“I won’t be shamed or silenced by Minister Harris”, said Grace McBreen’s dad

Martin McBreen, who features in a new LoveBoth poster with his daughter Grace who has Down Syndrome, has released a video this evening in response to Minister Simon Harris’ comments earlier today. The Minister was highly critical of a new LoveBoth poster showing Martin and his daughter Grace and said that people with Down Syndrome should not feature in the debate. The poster was also criticised by Senator Aodhán Ó’Riordáin and Lisa Chambers TD.

In the video, Martin highlights the horrific statistics from countries like Britain where 90% of babies diagnosed with Down Syndrome are aborted. And he says he “won’t be shamed or silenced” out of the debate.

Hello, this is Martin McBreen.
You’ve probably seen the vote no posters featuring myself and my daughter Grace who has Down Syndrome. As you may have heard Simon Harris’ comments that our voices shouldn’t be part of the referendum campaign.
Well I won’t be shamed or silenced by those pushing radical abortion in this country. 
It’s a fact that Down Syndrome can be identified in the womb, with 99% accuracy, as early as nine weeks.
It’s a fact that 90% of all unborn babies diagnosed with Down Syndrome in Britain are aborted. 
And, it’s also a fact that the proposed law from the government will allow babies with Down Syndrome to be targeted by abortion.
Vote no for my daughter and everyone like her.
You will be saving lives.


“It seemed like we were given a death sentence”, mother of baby with Down Syndrome

Our son is 8 months old and he has Down Syndrome. He already says mama, dada, nana!!! 🙂 The public health nurse was in tears hearing him and called it a miracle.

Doctors insisted to have amniocentesis and we refused. They couldn’t believe we didn’t want to do it. Their attitude really hurt. It seemed like we were given a death sentence. Now I can’t believe how much happiness and peace our son brought into our home so far!

A friend had gone through the same situation, but four weeks before us. Her baby had a heart defect and in the hospital [name omitted] they suspected that he might have Down Syndrome. They said that, the baby had Down Syndrome, it might not survive and that she could have the “options” for abortion up to 8 months but no further than that because she could go into labour.

This is why we said “no” to amniocentesis. I can’t tell you how disturbing it was to hear them insisting for us to do it and to telling us that he might not even survive the pregnancy. Dr. [name omitted] was in the room as well. The doctor was the one who insisted. We are still hurt. There are definitely more cases like ours out there. I met an Irish woman. Her daughter has Down Syndrome. At 33 weeks, she was told that she had “options”. She was shocked as well.

Despite all, I can’t believe how much Cris changed our lives for the better! He brought already so much happiness into our family and for those around us.

Monica Hadarean

05.05.18: #LoveBothVoteNo Tour sets off from Dublin


The #LoveBothVoteNo Tour set off from Dublin today on the first leg of its tour around the country. A team of LoveBoth volunteers boarded the bus at City Hall before leaving the city for the tour’s first stops in Mullingar, Carrick-on-shannon and Sligo.

Commenting at the launch, LoveBoth spokesperson Katie Ascough said:

“With less than 3 weeks to go until polling day, the public are becoming more engaged with the debate surrounding the government’s proposal and the fact that a vote for repeal would mean introducing abortion on demand for the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, up to a point when a baby has a beating heart and a face and is moving in the womb. People are also shocked to hear that repeal would mean UK-style abortion up to viability, in effect 24 weeks.

“The bus tour for the next 3 weeks will take us to towns and villages all over the country where we will do street outreaches and canvass blitzes, all with one purpose – to let the public know that a vote for repeal would hand complete power over to the government to make our abortion laws.  They would never again have to consult the people if the Eighth Amendment was taken out of the Constitution and this would leave unborn babies at serious risk.  In countries like Britain, the introduction of abortion has led to a situation where for every 4 babies born, 1 is aborted.”

She concluded:

“We are looking forward to getting out on the road over the next few critical weeks and reminding the public that the only way to stop Ireland becoming like Britain is to Vote No on May 25th.”

On Monday 7th our tour will be at Nenagh (12 pm), Ennis (2 pm) and Limerick (5 pm). On Tuesday, Castlebar (12 pm) and Ballina (3 pm). On Wednesday, it will visit Roscommon (12 pm) and Galway (4 pm).


Love Both Blitz

The next LoveBoth Blitz will take place on Saturday, the 25th of November, 2017.  It’s a chance for you to help spread the message about why we need to keep the 8th Amendment.

Here’s what some of them had to say about the Blitz:

“The Blitz was a really great way to do something practical to help spread the pro-life message.  There was a very positive atmosphere during the day and we got a great response from the public”Sile, Sligo.

“I really enjoyed the day.  We were asked to sign up for a few hours and spend them giving out leaflets to the public.  I was surprised at how much you can get done when you work as a team. I couldn’t wait to sign up for the next Blitz.”Helena, Galway.

“The day was very well organised.  Once I had signed up I felt like I was part of a team that was going to make a real difference to the debate in Ireland” Miriam, Dublin.

“The LoveBoth Blitz is a great first step for people who haven’t been involved in pro-life work before.  You meet great people and do fantastic work.  I strongly recommend signing up for the next one!”Al, Dublin.

Join the LoveBoth Blitz on 25th November.  Sign up here and we will be in contact:


Please complete the following form and click the ‘Send Message’ button:

Do you know someone who needs a lift to the polls to vote on Referendum Day?
Give us their name and phone number and we can have a pro-life volunteer arrange to give them a lift!

“If I had been in South Africa, my daughter would not exist” – Irene.

“I’m originally from South Africa. I have been living here in Ireland for the past 11 years. 6 years ago I got pregnant. At the time I didn’t want the baby, I really wanted an abortion. But because I was not living in South Africa I couldn’t have one.
It was a tough pregnancy because it was unwanted, I went on with it anyway.
Nine months later I gave birth to a healthy, beautiful baby girl. I thank God every day for being in Ireland because if I hadn’t been here when I got pregnant I would have gone through with my “plan” to get rid of the baby, my daughter. She will be 7 years old this April. Now I cannot imagine my life without her. I love her to the moon and back. If I had been in South Africa, my daughter would not exist in this world. I hope that Ireland can stay free from abortion”.



17.04.18: Minister Harris tweets 130 times on abortion in 4 months and just once on the trolley crisis

Minister Harris tweets

Minister Harris needs to get his priorities straight

The LoveBoth campaign has highlighted the fact that since January, Health Minister Simon Harris has tweeted or retweeted on the Eighth Amendment 130 times* and just once on the trolley crisis. Commenting on these extraordinary figures, LoveBoth spokesperson Geraldine Martin said:

“For the first time, we have heard reports that 2,400 children are suffering on hospital trolleys while they wait for treatment.  It is widely accepted that this is a national crisis.  Yet the Minister for Health is not focussing on healthcare at all but is distracted from his real job as he campaigns for abortion on demand.  A cursory check of his comments since January show that he has commented on the Eighth Amendment 4 times as often as he has commented on hospital trolleys.  Even more significant is the fact that during the same period, he has only tweeted once on the trolley crisis but has tweeted or retweeted pro-repeal items 130 times.

“We are now hearing that Minister Harris intends to spend the next six weeks spearheading the campaign to remove the Eighth Amendment.  The fact that Minister Harris has seen fit to comment around 4 times as often about abortion as he has about trolleys says a lot about where his priorities lie.  His proposal to introduce abortion on demand has nothing to do with healthcare yet he is intending to devote the vast majority of his time to pushing for repeal.  There will be many people who, on hearing this, will wonder why this Minister is focussing so much on abortion on demand instead of getting to grips with the worst hospital trolley crisis this country has ever seen.”

Minister Harris tweets

“Abortion on mental health grounds has proved to be abortion on demand”, William Binchy


The Government has formally published the bill containing the proposed wording of the abortion referendum. It gives the details of the law the Government wants to introduce if the Eighth Amendment is repealed. One of them is abortions legalised in cases of fatal foetal abnormalities, including cases which will lead to the loss of life of the baby shortly after birth (policy 5). Also abortion being allowed up to 12 weeks “without specific indication” as part of a medical practitioner-led service (policy 7). The document can be read at www.health.gov.ie (pdf).

William Binchy explains in this article the implications of this text in the light of the Supreme Court decision on the 7th of March. The full version was published in the Irish Times.

“Outside article 40.3.3, inserted by the Eighth Amendment, there is no constitutional protection for babies before birth. Repeal that provision, and constitutional protection disappears. Instead the politicians would have the function of framing abortion laws.

It is bad enough that we pass over to politicians this function. Politics, perhaps necessarily, can be an ugly business. Deals have to be done, compromises made. Small parties, with strong agendas, can exert an influence well beyond their numbers. In the context of abortion, this is likely to push legislation further in a direction of removing any limits.

But matters are actually somewhat worse than this. Under the model of repeal that is proposed to be adopted, the courts would still have a role. The Supreme Court judgment has made it quite implausible to argue that babies before birth would have any continuing effective protection if the Eighth Amendment were repealed.

On the contrary, advocates for abortion on demand would argue that the mother’s rights to privacy and autonomy require that legislation accommodate abortion of unborn children, who would no longer have any constitutionally protected rights, their right to life having gone with the repeal.


Where one party has a panoply of constitutionally-protected rights and the other party has no rights at all, it will be argued that the legislature must give full effect to the rights of the rights-holder.

We already know what resulted in the United States from the supreme court’s embrace of the right to privacy in the decision of Roe versus Wade. The same pattern has emerged in other countries around the world. This means that our politicians’ hands would actually be tied to some degree in a way that severely damages the lives of unborn babies.

The Oireachtas would be free to introduce legislation providing for wide-ranging abortion, with few or no restrictions. But there is a real prospect that they would not be free to have a law that afforded effective protection to unborn babies as this could be trumped by arguments based on rights of privacy and autonomy (…).

Wider picture

We also have to keep in mind the wider picture. At present the European Court of Human Rights has taken the position that the existence of the Eighth Amendment, which evidences a desire on the part of Irish society to protect unborn babies, is a reason why arguments for access to wide-ranging abortion under the European Convention based on the right to privacy should not succeed. If we take away that protection these arguments before the European Court of Human Rights will be far more likely to prevail, resulting in further pressure for extension of abortion law. (…) Reflect for a moment on the type of legislation that the Government has in mind if we remove the present constitutional protection for unborn babies. It is abortion on demand, overtly so until the baby is 12 weeks old and in practice for the remaining weeks of pregnancy up to birth: policy 9 of the Government’s policy paper.

Signatures of doctors

Abortion on mental health grounds has proved to be abortion on demand in England, where one in five babies is aborted. Everybody knows that the requirement for signatures of doctors is no effective barrier to abortion on demand. This is not to impugn the good faith of the medical profession, but rather to acknowledge simple factual reality.

In Britain’s Abortion Act 1967, abortion for mental or physical health is based on ground C. The Department of Health Abortion Statistics, England and Wales: 2015, paragraphs 2.14-2.15 records that

“In 2015, the vast majority (98 per cent; 181,231) of abortions were undertaken under ground C… The vast majority (99.95 per cent) of ground C only terminations were reported as being performed because of a risk to the woman’s mental health.”

The Supreme Court has done our society a service in making the position that faces us in the forthcoming referendum clear. We can choose to retain the Eighth Amendment, under which doctors in Irish hospitals protect the lives of both their patients, mother and baby, to a standard of care that is among the safest in the world; or we can repeal the amendment and face the prospect of our politicians introducing laws providing for abortion on demand.”


Article 40.3.3 of the Irish Constitution. Riddle me this!

Article 40.3.3

There are so many contradictions in the debate around the article 40.3.3 of the Irish Constitution, better known as the. Here are a few I have been studying…

1. We are told: ‘It’s not a baby, it’s just a clump of cells’ yet we are also told ‘abortion is a traumatic experience for a woman and is not entered into lightly.’ So why the trauma?

2. We are told: ‘It’s not a baby, it’s a clump of cells’ yet the politicians say ‘abortion should only be legal up to 12 weeks.’ Why should it make a difference to a bunch of cells?

3. Abortion is supposedly OK for fatal foetal abnormalities or in cases of rape or incest. Why not then on other grounds?

4. “I believe women should have the choice but I couldn’t have an abortion”. But why not?

5. Abortion supporters talk about rape, incest, sexual abuse and fatal foetal abnormalities as justifications for abortion. Yet they accuse pro-life supporters of resorting to emotional language by using the term ‘baby’.

6. Women who have had a hysterectomy or who have gone through menopause or who are unable to conceive can have an opinion. So why do abortion campaigners not want men to have an opinion?

7. Article 40.3.3 considers a pregnant woman a mother by virtue of her pregnancy. Abortion campaigners argue is that women shouldn’t be forced to become mothers. But mothers of what … a bunch of cells?

8. The death penalty was made illegal in Ireland in 1990 for all crimes (including rape and incest). So why then do abortion campaigners now want to make it legal to kill the innocent child resulting from rape or incest?

9. Our TDs and Senators voted to ratify the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, under which abortion for reasons of disability is a violation. So why at the same time do they want abortion available if there is a disability diagnosis of ‘fatal foetal abnormality’.

10. In all countries where abortion is legal, sex selection forms part of the abortion business and females are aborted purely for being female. So why do abortion campaigners consider abortion as a women’s rights issue?

11. Studies show a much higher rate of depression and anxiety among women who have had an abortion when compared to women who have continued the pregnancy to birth. So why then do abortion campaigners consider abortion as a women’s health issue?

12. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights does not list abortion as a human right so why do abortion campaigners claim abortion as a human right?

13. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child states that “the child…needs special safeguards and care, including appropriate legal protection, before as well as after birth”. So why do abortion campaigners consider repealing article 40.3.3 as a human rights issue?

14. Scientific studies prove that a fertilised egg is an autonomous, living being. So why do abortion campaigners consider abortion itself, the negation of life, a human rights issue?

15. Article 43.3.3 has served women and children well. No one woman has died because of Article 43.3.3. So why should we even consider removing it?


By Brónagh Hayes.

Brónagh is a Law student in Dublin.

I had an abortion at ten weeks.

Abortion 10 weeks

There are lots of areas that the Oireachtas committee never bothered to examine. Among them, women who have been hurt by abortion, Like Bernadette.

“I became pregnant in my late teens, and 10 weeks into the pregnancy I had an abortion. A trusted doctor assured me that the procedure would be simple, effective, with no after effects. I was never told that abortion would lead to deep depression, that every time I heard a baby cry it was like a knife turning in
my heart. Abortion is supposed to be a quick fix for an unwanted pregnancy, but there is no quick fix for regret, grief and the pain of loss. The most powerful witnesses for the humanity of the unborn are not scientists, but mothers who mourn. We women are not crying over products of conception. We are crying over the deaths of our children.”

Bernadette, Cork.